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EntryUpdated 2026/08/09

Why Did Cheap Old Chips Become a Security Problem?

Because the pain of losing supply has nothing to do with how advanced a chip is and everything to do with whether anyone else makes it. A mature-node chip may cost a few dollars, and without it a car plant stops — and that capacity is concentrating in a few places.

Read this first: Money Builds Fabs — So Why Can It Not Build a Chip Supply Chain?

Is a mature node just an obsolete node?

No. A mature node is a process generation that has been in stable volume production for years, and it is still in use mostly because the application does not need anything newer.

A chip driving a car window motor would, on the latest node, simply be more expensive, more power-hungry, and less tolerant of heat. Vehicles, industrial equipment, power management, and sensors want stability, durability, and long product lifetimes — exactly what mature nodes are good at. “Advanced” is not an advantage in these applications; it is a mismatch.

Advanced and mature nodes relate to each other more like a truck and a sports car than like a new model and an old one. Ranking them on one axis is the most common misreading of this subject, and where the rest of the errors begin.

Where do they actually go?

In almost everything that moves. A car contains hundreds to thousands of chips, the overwhelming majority on mature nodes; so do factory motor controls, grid inverters, medical equipment, appliances, and a drone’s flight controller and power modules.

That creates an asymmetry: the value of advanced nodes is concentrated in a few high-priced products, while the value of mature nodes is spread across the physical economy. Losing the first affects a handful of flagship products; losing the second affects production lines themselves.

The vehicle chip shortage after 2021 demonstrated exactly this. What ran out was not the most advanced compute silicon but low-cost microcontrollers and power management chips — and one missing part worth a few dollars keeps a whole car off the lot.

These chips have existed for decades — why is it a problem now?

Because the distribution of capacity is changing, and not through a technical breakthrough — through price.

Mature nodes have a low technical barrier: the equipment is proven, the processes are published, the skills are not scarce. That means anyone can build, and also that nobody can stop anyone else from building. When one side backs large-scale expansion with policy, added supply pushes prices down, and once prices fall below other fabs’ operating costs those fabs stop investing and drift out.

This is what overcapacity means geopolitically: on the surface a market phenomenon, in effect a mechanism that concentrates capacity in whoever can sustain low prices longest. It requires no unlawful act — only capacity and patience, the same mechanism as the price war in the critical minerals piece.

So the accurate version of “why now” is: the technology never changed. What changed is how many firms still make it.

How is this different from an ordinary shortage?

A shortage ends; concentration does not. A shortage is supply and demand temporarily out of step — prices rise, capacity follows, the problem closes. Concentration is a structural change that remains after prices normalise.

The remedies are opposite too. A shortage calls for short-term allocation: priority rules, extra shifts, temporarily relaxed specifications. Concentration calls for long-term demand commitments — nobody builds into a price war without a committed buyer, and that is not the same thing as a construction subsidy.

There is a simple test for which one you face: if prices rose thirty percent today, would new supply appear within six months? If yes, it is a shortage. If no, it is concentration. Mature nodes have been drifting toward the latter.

The foundry model makes it harder to see, incidentally: buyers deal in modules and finished goods, with packaging houses, module makers, and system integrators in between. By the time it is felt, it is usually the day the line stops.

What does this mean for Taiwan and for ordinary companies?

For Taiwan the question is quite unlike the advanced-node one. Advanced nodes are about staying ahead; mature nodes are about how many suppliers remain — and the competitor there is not technology but capital willing to absorb losses. That changes which instruments work: tariffs and export controls bite on the first and do little for the second, because the issue is not technology leaking but price.

For companies, the practical move is to split part numbers in two: those that are expensive and specialised, and those that are cheap and look available everywhere. The second group is the one to investigate — cheapness discourages anyone from tracing the source, and tracing it often reveals only two or three firms worldwide making that exact part.

This also completes the chip supply chain piece: that one maps the vertical division of labour at the advanced end, while this covers the overlooked segment of the same chain. The risks differ in kind, and so do the responses.